CIA Lawyers Killed 2004 Plan To
Sabotage IEDs So That They Exploded In Bomber's Hands
Since 06-16-07
Improvised Explosive Defeat?
By David Ignatius
Sunday, June 10, 2007; B07
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/08/AR2007060802405.html
The photographs gathered by The Post each month in a gallery called Faces of the
Fallen are haunting. The soldiers are so young, enlisted men and women mostly,
usually dressed in the uniforms they wore in Iraq and Afghanistan. What's
striking is that most of them were killed by roadside bombs known as improvised
explosive devices, or IEDs.
The United States is losing the war in Iraq because it cannot combat these
makeshift weapons. An army with unimaginable firepower is being driven out by
guerrillas armed with a crude arsenal of explosives and blasting caps, triggered
by cellphones and garage-door openers.
This is Gulliver's torment, circa 2007. We have thrown our money and technology
at the problem, with limited effect. In 2004 the Pentagon created a special task
force called the Joint IED Defeat Organization (or JIEDDO, in Pentagon-ese). It
has spent $6.3 billion and assembled a staff of nearly 400, but every day more
of our brave young people die, and we seem unable to stop it.
"Once the bomb is made, it's too late," says Rep. Ellen Tauscher, a member of
the House Armed Services Committee who has studied the IED problem. She says the
best hope is to disrupt the money and supplies that allow the bombs to be
constructed.
Low-tech seems to trump high-tech. The military is operating nearly 5,000 robots
in Iraq and Afghanistan, compared with 150 in 2004. The latest model, dubbed "Fido,"
has a digital nose that can sniff explosives. Yet the bombs are so cheap and
easy to make, and the robot sniffers are so expensive and finicky to operate,
that the cost-benefit ratio seems to work in favor of the insurgents.
We have dozens of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) over Iraq at any given time,
monitoring highways and ammunition dumps and suspected terrorists. And we have
many hundreds of additional sensors, adding more data. But the flow of this
intelligence information is so vast that it overwhelms our ability to analyze
it. Retired Gen. Montgomery Meigs, who heads JIEDDO, disagrees. "It's not true
that there is so much data we're swamped and can't deal with it," he said.
Someday, perhaps, the Pentagon will track and target bombers by identifying
biological tags -- smells or DNA traces that are unique signatures. Someday, we
will be able to examine the microbes on an insurgent's skin or in his gut to
find out if he was trained in Iran or the Bekaa Valley or Afghanistan. But in a
world with an ever-expanding supply of suicide bombers, will such technology
make any difference?
The insurgents who kill our young soldiers are ruthless, but we have sometimes
been cautious in our response. Take the question of targeting bomb makers: There
may be an unlimited supply of explosives in Iraq, but there is not an unlimited
supply of people who know how to wire the detonators. In 2004, CIA operatives in
Iraq believed that they had identified the signatures of 11 bomb makers. They
proposed a diabolical -- but potentially effective -- sabotage program that
would have flooded Iraq with booby-trapped detonators designed to explode in the
bomb makers' hands. But the CIA general counsel's office said no. The lawyers
claimed that the agency lacked authority for such an operation, one source
recalled.
There are technologies that would allow us to detonate every roadside bomb in
Iraq by heating the wires in the detonators to the point that they triggered an
explosion. But these systems could severely harm civilians nearby, so we're not
using them, either. "In our system, we often are not given credit for the fact
that we are very concerned about collateral damage," Meigs said.
We wrote the book for the insurgents, in a sense. By arming and training the
mujaheddin in Afghanistan to fight the Soviets in the 1980s, we created the
modern dynamics of asymmetric warfare. That extends even to the fearsome
armor-piercing "explosively formed penetrators," or EFPs, that we have accused
the Iranians of supplying to Iraqi insurgents. The CIA referred to these tank
busters as "platter charges" in the days when we were covertly helping provide
them to the Afghan rebels.
The simple, low-tech answer to the IED threat is to reduce the number of targets
-- by getting our troops off the streets during vulnerable daylight hours, to
the extent possible. It's an interesting fact that very few IED attacks have
been suffered by our elite Special Forces units, which attack al-Qaeda cells and
Shiite death squads mostly at night, with devastating force. They blow in from
nowhere and are gone minutes later, before the enemy can start shooting. That's
the kind of asymmetry that evens the balance in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The writer co-hosts, with Newsweek's Fareed Zakaria, PostGlobal, an online
discussion of international issues at
http://newsweek.washingtonpost.com/postglobal . His e-mail address
isdavidignatius@washpost.com .